Statistical Society of London Report (from its Quarterly Journal, August 1848)
This report was compiled using the new science of statistics,  correlating a mass of data collected in 1845 in part of the parish. The original can be seen here. What follows is the text and most of the tables, with comments interleaved. Emboldening of text is editorial.

Report to the Council of The Statistical Society of London from a Committee of its Fellows appointed to make an Investigation
into the State of the Poorer Classes in St. George's in the East, with the sum of £25 given for this purpose by Henry Hallam, Esq., F.R.S., aided by a Donation of £10 from R.A. Slaney, Esq., M.P., and further sums from the General Resources of the Society.

[Read before the Statistical Society of London, 17th April and 15th May, 1848]

St George's in the East was selected for this inquiry as a district comprising a considerable population of the labouring classes, resembling in condition the people of many surrounding localities, and offering, in fact, an example of the average condition of the poorer classes of the metropolis.

The general mass of the labouring population in urban localities, where they are subject to influences over which they have but a partial control, being now avowedly an object of public policy as well as philanthropic solicitude, the Committee, with the advice of the gentleman whose liberality had given it being, determined to make a complete and detailed examination, and a careful analytical statement of the condition of such a body of the poorer labouring classes of the metropolis, as their means would permit them to embrace within the limits of their inquiry, rather than devote those means to exhibiting the condition of any one of those lowest sinks of barbarism and vice, which sanitary and other reports have recently placed with such painful truth before the public, Investigation must not stop until these are removed, for they are but the local accumulation of general evils, which can never be completely dissipated until great changes have been accomplished in the whole frame of society. But since their population is, to some extent, the drainage from the grades next above them, we should rather hope to find a cure by cutting off the supply of degradation than by attempting to reform and elevate it in the lowest depths to which it can sink.

The St. Mary's district of St George's in the East was accordingly selected for the elaborate analysis which it was determined to make; and the portion concerning which it was ultimately found practicable to obtain every varied item of information, was the great block of habitations included between White Horse Lane, which is the commencement of the Commercial Road, on the north, and Cable Street and the New Road on the south; and between the New Road on the east and Church Lane on the west. This is, in fact, the whole of St Mary's district north of Cable Street; and it is one of those composed of dingy streets, of houses of small dimensions and moderate elevation, very closely packed in ill-ventilated streets and courts, such as are commonly inhabited by the working classes of the east end; and indeed, it may be said, of all parts of London beyond the limits of that congested band round its centre, where overcrowding is carried to the greatest excess.

The civil district of St George-in-the-East had three sub-districts, St Mary's, St John's and St Paul's. The area surveyed was shown on this 1844 map: before Commercial Road was developed it was known as White Horse Lane [not to be confused with the present-day White Horse Lane further east], Church Lane was not known as Backchurch Lane until the 1860s, and Cable Street east of Cannon Street Road was still called New Road.

The period occupied in the inquiry was chiefly the summer half of the year 1845, and the abstract was made in the course of the following year. Annexed [not included here] is the form of a table in which the particulars relating to the several families in each house were carefully registered, after they had been collected in note books with marginal indications corresponding with the headings of this table. A complete re-arrangement of the materials was then made under the head of each occupation. From these second abstracts the following tables have been compiled.

The annexed preliminary table shows the condition of all the streets in this region, with the exception of Upper and Middle Grove Streets, which are almost wholly occupied by persons in a condition of life somewhat above that of the poor labourers who surround them.

See here for Upper, Middle & Lower Grove Street, later the site of St John the Evangelist-in-the-East Church; note the exclusion of part of it as being 'chiefly respectable'. The extent of paving and lighting is higher than might be expected. Many of the courts and yards were to disappear by the turn of the century.

Illness, in the meaning of the following table (II), is such as produces confinement to the house, and incapacity for labour or exertion. The proportion of such illness is small; and the appearance of the children, even, is very healthy, wherever there is a sufficiency of food; for they are early sent, as much as possible, out of the confined rooms of their parents, though sometimes into little, filthy, smoky, dame schools, by no means preferable; except that they have to pass through the streets to arrive at them. Others of these schools, however, are clean and fairly ventilated, and kept by persons with habits of order and propriety.

Health is further considered below.

The excess of foreigners, indicated by this table (III), is partly attributable to some foreign sailors having their homes here, but chiefly to the sugar bakers, being nearly all Germans; and to their credit it ought to be added, that they are a cleanly, orderly, and well conducted body of men, chiefly worshippers at the German chapel in the neighbourhood.

Irish immigration continued through the coming decades, concentrated in particular streets. See here for more about sugar baking, and here for the German churches. The sugar-bakers were from Christian regions, but other German settlers were Jewish - though the days of this as a Jewish-majority area were several decades away.

The total population–men, women, and children–included in the scope of the present inquiry is here seen to be 7,711, comprised in 1,204 houses, and 1,954 families; reckoning as a separate family every one whose earnings were not thrown into some common stock, for boarding and lodging. 125 single men included in the inquiry, are thus reckoned to form 88 families; because some of them lodge together; and 78 single women and widows without incumbrance, make in like manner, 64 families, an excess of gregariousness on the part of the men which is worthy of observation.

Is it really noteworthy that single men (especially labourers) were more likely to share accommodation than single women? See here for details about common lodging houses - mostly for men, but some for women, and a few mixed.

The economical condition of single persons of both sexes being altogether different from that of the great mass of the population, they are kept under separate heads in the following abstract, as also are 151 widows, with incumbrance, the total number in whose families amounts to 577, or nearly 3½ in each family, while the general average of the district is 4. The remaining 1,651 families, including 6,991 individuals, or 4¼ individuals to each, are classified, as far as possible, according to the occupation of the head of each; being that circumstance which brings in its train the most numerous and most potent of the influences which affect the relative condition of all. Every occupation which had any considerable number of the heads of families engaged in it, is, in fact, separately specified in the following tables, and they are 27 in number; leaving a surplus of 396 families, including 1,663 individuals, still unclassed, under the head of miscellaneous. These, however, are all brought together in a separate sheet, similar to those in which the whole of the particulars concerning each of the other groups is abstracted. Annexed is a list of these groups, with the numbers in each, from which it will appear that the number of mere "labourers" (in great part about the docks) is alone nearly equal to all the "miscellaneous"; while of shoemakers there are 101, gunsmiths 87, carpenters 76, tailors 72, sailors 67, coopers 64, carmen 50, &c. This list is followed by a classification of the "miscellaneous" under the heads of their several occupations.

[Table V - Classification of the 396 "Miscellaneous" heads of families:]
Agents (3), Actor, Accountant, Artists (2), Box-makers (2), Basket & Brush-makers (6), Boiler-makers (4), Bedstead-makers (3), Block and Last-makers (3), Brass-workers (2), Brass polisher, Brass-founder, Brewers (4), Bell-founder (1), Boat-builder, Bookbinders (3), Builder, Broker, Brass-finisher, Bell-hanger, Boot-blocker, Bookseller, Chimney-sweepers (2), Coal-whippers or porters (9), Coachmen (2), Cabmen (2), Coppersmiths (2), Coachmakers (3), Costermongers (13), Cabinet-makers (!0), Cellarmen (6), Corn-porters (2), Cork-cutters (12), Custom-house-officers (7), Coach-trimmer, Confectioners (5), Comb-makers (2), Cap-maker, Coach-plater, Carvers and gilders (7), Case-maker, Chair-maker, Corn-dealers (3), Chemists (2), Coffee-roasters (2), Chair-bottomer, Chandler's-shop, Colour-maker, Cane-worker, Captains (3), Draymen (4), Dyers (3), Drover, Dock-constable, Dealers (2), Draper, Dairyman, Engravers (2), Excisemen (2), Excise-officer, Fishmongers (6), Foremen (4), Firemen (3), Furriers (2), French-polishers (2), Founder, Gas-workers (2), Grocers (6), General-dealers (5), Gas-stoker, Glass-cutters (2), Gate-keeper, Ginger-beer-seller, Hatters (7), Hair-dressers (2), Hawkers (5), House of ill-fame, In East India-house, In Docks (2), In Post-Office (4), In Tower, Jewellers (4), Japanners (2), Ironmonger, Interpreter, Lamplighter, Lucifer-maker, Milkmen (6), Mathematical-instrument-makers (4), Masons (3), Maltster, Millwright, Millman, Messengers (4), Marine-store, Oilman, Ostlers (5), Old-clothesman, Omnibus-driver, Opticians (2), Potmaker, Plumbers (4), Public singer, Pencil-maker, Plasterers (6), Pewterer, Poulterers (2), Paper-maker, Polisher, Postman, Pensioners (3), Picture-frame-makers (2), Paper-hanger, Paviour, Publican, Pew-opener, Packers (2), Riggers (6), Rope-maker, Rule-maker, Satin-dresser, Ship-carpenter, Sawyers (10), Soldiers (2), Soap-makers (2), Scale-maker, Sail-makers (4), Spiceman, Salesman, Seller of trimming, Ship storesman, Servant,  Surveyor, Turners (4), Toy-makers (2), Travellers (2), Tanner, Trimmer, Timber-seller, Tide-waiter, Vat-makers (2), Weavers (2), Watchmen (6), Watchmakers (5), Warehousemen (5), Wire-workers (2), Waiter, Trades not given (26) - total 396

These lists make interesting reading. Some of the 'miscellaneous' occupations might seem to belong within one of the categories of the main list, but they are mainly distinctive trades, some of them highly-skilled, plus a scattering of 'professions'. The gun trade was well-established in the area, due to its proximity to the Proof House;  shoemaking and tailoring, with their related trades, were to remain significant as Jewish immigration increased. There was a small gasworks in the area. Notice the 'pew-opener' (which also features in the list of 'widows with incumbrances') - paid a small wage, plus tips, for ushering the gentry to their rented seats in church.

From the following (Table VI.), which shows the occupations, earnings, and ages of the single men, widows with incumbrance, and single women, it will be seen that the former are chiefly very young men, especially those in the trades, earning good wages; while in the two latter classes we find much greater diversity of age, with very limited means derived from the narrow range of employments available for female hands, especially if unaccompanied by a vigorous frame and habits of bodily exertion. The extent of such employments, as compared with the number of struggling competitors for them, being always limited, their remuneration is always very low. The relative superiority of men's earnings over those of the women, and even over those of the women and children combined, in the metropolis, as compared with most of the manufacturing districts, is thus very conspicuously shown. The "distressed needlewomen" are undoubtedly a numerous class, in most parts, and especially in this part of the metropolis; unprotected women, in this district alone, being no fewer than 229, while the number of unmarried men is only 125.  A glance at the tables which show their scanty earnings, and the numerous families which are dependent upon two-thirds of them, will convey a sufficient idea of the position of moral as well as pecuniary difficulty in which they are placed. Some of the women included in this class are, indeed, widowed only by the abandonment of their husbands. All, however, are living unprotected, with families dependent upon them.

All those specified as unfortunate females appear, with only a few exceptions, to be persons of respectable outward manners and conduct, for the houses of prostitution were expressly excepted from inquiry, beyond a rough enumeration of them and of their inmates, since they form a distinct feature in society which it was not our present purpose to investigate. Unhappily there are many houses of this description within the topographical limits of the present inquiry, frequented chiefly by sailors, low mechanics, and labourers, at least fifty coming within the observation of your Committee's agents.

It is a pity that these houses are 'expressly excepted' - the information would be interesting. One head of family in Table IV is listed as 'house of ill fame'.

Although the numbers below are in some cases too small to be statistically significant, the report is prescient in separating 'family' and 'single' occupations. See
here for emigration schemes for 'distressed needlewomen'.

The wages are seen to vary (Table VI.) as usual, with the degree of skill required in the several trades; the lowest being those of the sailors, 11s. 10d. per week besides rations, and of the mere labourers, 15s. 7d. per week, on the average; the highest, those of the gunsmiths, 41s. 9d. per week; the general average being 20s. 2d. per week. Including the earnings of all the family, the incomes of the sailors average 15s. 4d. per week, of the labourers 19s. Id., and of all the rest, various sums between 20s. and 40s., with the exception of the gunsmiths, whose total emoluments per family average 45s. 3d. per week. Necessity, on the one hand, in the poorer trades, and opportunity, on the other, in some of the better paid, cause the amount of subordinate earnings to equalize each other in the families of some of the men who earn, themselves, a very unequal amount of wages; while those unmoved by either peculiar necessity or peculiar opportunity, show least of pecuniary advantages derived from the labour of women and children. In a few cases, the earnings of a grown up-son give an excess which disturbs the average from its usual value as an index to the earnings of women and children, and it must carefully be borne in mind that there may be the most industry, and that of the most appropriate kind, in those families whose subordinate members add little or nothing to their pecuniary resources; for the labours and cares of the little household, in homes which can afford the employment of only casual if any domestic service, are quite sufficient to occupy all available time and ability in their proper discharge. In the case of the tailors, the proportion of the wife's earnings is greater than would appear from the table, because the females assist the men in the work, for which payment is entered under the head of the husband's wages; but, in all other cases, the additional sums are drawn from the sources indicated in the case of the unprotected women.

The preceding table (VII.) shows, in comparison with the average earnings of the families in each trade, their weekly payments for rent, carefully classified; the next following (VIII.) shows the number of rooms occupied by the families, and the number of persons to a room; while a third (IX.) states the number of beds possessed by each, and the number of cases where there are one, two, three, or any greater number of persons to a bed. The only remarkable result is the moderate degree of crowding which prevails throughout the population. It is greatest, of course, in the families having only one room, with several little children, but it steadily decreases as each class increases in the number of its rooms and its beds, showing that this is a population entirely above the wretched system of sub-letting corners of the same room, which occasions such an accumulation of wretchedness, barbarism, and disease, in the few localities to which the rudest and most unsettled of the population resort. Want of space and ventilation in the rooms is, however, observed generally, and everyone can conceive how unfavourable it is to domestic quiet to have only one room for every purpose of repose and the ménage. Indeed, the possession of only one room, indicates a depression of habits and of health, which, if every grosser feature of misery were removed, would well deserve the solicitude of the philanthropist; the provision of a second room in town-life being as marked a step as the advancement from a hovel to a proper cottage in the country.

The average rent is seen to be no less than 3s. 7d. per week, or 9l. 6s.4d. per year, which, on the total number of families (1,954),  gives the enormous sum of 18,204l. 16s. 8d. The present Committee, in relation to this subject, would earnestly recal [sic] the attention of the Members of the Society to the practical suggestion contained in the Report of their Committee on the state of the working classes in the parishes of St. Margaret and St. John, Westminster, read at the Ordinary Meeting of the Society on the 16th of March, 1840, and which has already been the source of much good in the origination of societies for the improvement of the dwellings and the lodging-houses of the labouring classes, and offers a test from which yet more enlarged practical deductions might be drawn, at a time when express provisions for the physical and moral health of our vast urban populations are at length recognised as a part of the public policy of the empire:
High rents are an evil of a practical nature from which the labouring classes are severely suffering; and a sufficient proof of this circumstance is afforded in the fact that large numbers of the families of the working population continue to reside, for months and years together, crowded within miserable dwellings, consisting of a single room, of very moderate size, for each family. As a remedy for such an obvious grievance, the Committee are desirous to show the advantage which may be derived from the outlay of a moderate amount of capital, in the erection of buildings containing sets of rooms suited to the accommodation of labouring families in properly selected situations. For these dwellings, weekly rents should be required from the tenants, and a profit may, in this manner, be reasonably expected from capital judiciously invested, while advantages of still greater importance, both physical and moral, would be gained to society from the removal of a serious cause of discontent among the working classes, and from the provision of a more correct and convenient arrangement of their household comforts, which may materially assist in the foundation of a superior moral character for the working population.

See here for a brief history of 'model dwellings', and here for later developments in this parish.

The state of these poor families, with regard to food, clothing, furniture, and cleanliness, is described in Table X.  There seems to be indicated by the column showing the consumption of animal food, a classification into poor and sufficient feeding; the former being very clearly indicated by the two columns which represent those who very clearly by represent obtain animal food only once or twice a week; being about one fourth of the whole. None appeared to be over-fed. The state of the clothing is, in one sense, more satisfactory; for while it is described as sufficient in 1,031 cases, and insufficient in 852, it is described as dirty in only 36 of the former cases, and 170 of the latter. The distribution of these latter numbers chiefly among the poorer occupations will be seen at a glance. Only 300 are returned as having rooms ill furnished, while 565 have rooms well furnished, but a number greater than both of these combined (925) are described as having only scanty furniture; terms which are tolerably expressive to those accustomed to visit the habitations of the poor. Ill furnished dwellings are those in which there are only a wretched bedstead, or a bed on the floor, a few broken chairs, and a table worth only a shilling or two, besides, perhaps, a box or chest with a few paper pictures about the walls. Scantily furnished dwellings are those which contain a few chairs, a deal table, a flock bed, and a few cooking utensils, altogether indicating a struggle towards neatness, though scarcely towards comfort. While the dwellings described as well furnished had, perhaps, a chest of drawers, a clock, really good tables, a carpet, mahogany chairs, and every article essential to comfort, and some even of luxury, such as a piano, violins, and other musical instruments, with foreign productions of curiosity, &c.

The rooms are badly cleaned in a greater number of cases than the clothing, viz., in 295, and in 674 they are but tolerably clean. Still, in one half of the cases ascertained (821), they are described as well cleaned. The excess of inferior habits in the lower occupations will be traced generally. The casual dock labourers appear to be in the lowest condition, in proportion even to their poor means; while those whose homes are most comfortable, in proportion to their earnings, are undoubtedly the German sugar-bakers, and the mates of vessels, with only a part of the gunsmiths; others throwing away all the advantages of their superior earnings by thriftless habits.

 Some evidence as to the religious and moral character of the people will be conveyed by the table which describes their profession of religion, the newspapers and periodical publications which they read, and the character of the books and pictures found in their apartments.
This extensive profession of attachment to the Gospel is a hopeful sign, though the limited extent to which the Wesleyans and other denominations of Dissenters, appear to have penetrated into this mass of population, is rather remarkable, and will justify a feeling of doubt with regard to the profession made by some of belonging to the Established Church.

There is reason to believe, however, that the above statement gives a very fair representation of the results which would be arrived at amidst large bodies of the working classes, whether in town or country; though a different result would probably be shown in the manufacturing districts.

Given the large number and variety of dissenting and nonconformist chapels in the area (which makes singling out Wesleyan Methodism misleading), many of which were more congenial to the poor than the 'mighty' Church of England, adherence at roughly 10% of that of the established church is perhaps surprising. But these were churches requiring definite membership, unlike the 'hatching, matching and dispatching' of nominal Anglicans, so the 'feeling of doubt' is justified. See here for rather different figures from the 1851 religious census across the whole parish, and here for the first of four pages on dissenters in the parish. The presence of Roman Catholics was already significant, but of Jews still modest; and Muslims are included under 'no religion' as an oddity, despite (or perhaps because of?) a number of lascar seamen in the surrounding area.

The following are the periodical publications in use among population:—

This is not a cheering picture; the great use made of the capacity to read being, so far as this statement indicates, in ministering to mere excitement. Out of 1,260 cases in which the circumstances with regard to reading were ascertained, it was wholly in "Lloyd's Gazette", the "Weekly Dispatch", and the "Advertiser", in every case, except 22 in which the "Times" is read, 34 in which other miscellaneous prints are taken in, and only 29 in which no newspaper whatever is read.

'Mere excitement' seems a harsh judgement: it is surely remarkable that over half the households took newspapers of some kind, and hardly surprising that only a few read the market leader, the heavyweight Times (first appearing under this title in 1788). There were seven morning dailies at this time: Times, Morning Advertiser, Morning Herald, Morning Chronicle, Morning Journal, Morning Post, and Public Ledger. Of these, the Times' daily circulation in 1846 was 28,594, against 38,969 for all the others; but by 1854 The Times was selling 51,648, against 26,000 for the rest, of which only the Morning Advertiser's circulation had risen. The local popularity of Lloyd's Gazette (first published as Lloyd's News in 1696, becoming Lloyd's List & Shipping Gazette in 1734) was that it combined general and shipping news - it would not have predominated elsewhere. Next most popular here was the Weekly Dispatch, published in Fleet Street from 1801 with 4 pages at 6d., and perhaps the first 'modern' newspaper, since it aimed to be 'at once instructive and entertaining', with 'sporting intelligence' - including boxing - and lighter news ('occurrences of a subordinate kind') as well as parliamentary reports from its own reporter. It promised to 'convey the most authentic, interesting and useful information up to the very moment of being put to press; every great event occurring on the Continent of Europe and in all places where our Naval and Miltary Operations are carried on; every question of War or Peace and everything connected with the interests of the British Empire', and to be politically independent, unconnected with factions or parties. The Morning Advertiser was the 'pub paper', first published in 1794 by the Society of Licensed Victuallers and available in every bar. It majored on trade interests rather than party politics, and was heavily promoted by the Society, so although it was not read in places of influence its circulation rose during this period. Charles Dickens was a contributor.  The title remains, as a weekly magazine for the pub trade.

The classification of the books and pictures found in the houses, which has been adopted in the accompanying table, has been made in deference to a former classification in like inquiries. The head "Miscellaneous" is designed to include the miscellaneous books, chiefly of narrative, and seldom of "useful knowledge", which are found in the houses of the poorer classes, distinct from the books of religion and morality comprised under the name of "serious", and the melodramatic works which, chiefly, are designated by the term "theatrical". The total number of books found in the district was no less than 13,992, giving an average of upwards of 11 for each of the families in which they were found; 564 appearing to be without books of any kind; a proportion upwards of one fourth of the total number. Only 58 books were found to be theatrical, while 5,791 are classed as serious, and 8,153 as miscellaneous. The former were found in only 18 families of the whole number visited, while all three classes were found in 9 of these; serious as well as theatrical in 5 more of them; and miscellaneous as well as theatrical in another; leaving but 3 in which theatrical books only were found. Both serious and miscellaneous books were found in 736 families; serious books only in 573; and miscellaneous books only in 63. The possession of books is, in fact, almost universal; and in the families in which each kind of books was found at all, therefore, there were on an average, 4 serious, 10 miscellaneous, and 3 theatrical. The extent to which the habit of reading prevails, challenges, therefore, still more minute investigation into the direction given to it, an investigation which should extend to some simple observation upon the apparent use, as well as the actual possession, of the books, and a yet further classification of them. It is more than one-fourth of the houses which are without "serious" books, under which name are generally included the Holy Scriptures and books of prayer; and to what extent these are really used it must be impossible to ascertain statistically, but it would be very important to determine whether or not they appeared to be most used in the houses where they were accompanied by an equal or perhaps greater proportion of miscellaneous books. The impression of the agents is, that, in far the greater number of families which they visited, of all the books which they found in them, the "Bible" and "Testament" were those least read.

The decoration of the walls with pictures prevails to nearly the same degree as the possession of books of some kind. The total number of pictures observed was no fewer than 9,443, of which 7,730 had miscellaneous, 1,253 serious, and 460 theatrical subjects; the proportions of the miscellaneous and theatrical being greater in the pictures than in the books; the numbers of each kind in the families where they were found at all, averaging, of the serious 2, of the theatrical 3, and of the miscellaneous 6. These numbers give upwards of 8 to a family, in the case of all the families indulging in this sort of decoration. In the abodes of 75 families were found pictures of all these denominations; in 364, serious and miscellaneous pictures; in 711, miscellaneous pictures only; in 74, miscellaneous and theatrical; in 42, pictures on religious subjects only; in 14, on theatrical subjects only; in 3, on both serious and theatrical subjects. In 671, or one-third of the abodes, there was no decoration whatever by pictures. Those usually found were little paper prints, tricked out in glaring colours, and enclosed in little black frames of wood; while a few, especially the marine prints, were really good.

Such detailed gathering and classifying of information would hardly be possible today - though the comment about the unread Bible still rings true!

One very gratifying fact is that 622, or upwards of one-third of the heads of families are connected with Benefit Societies. On the other hand, however, 50 families were in the actual receipt of gratuitous medical relief.

See here for more on friendly societies, and here for an example of a local medical charity. A generation later dispensaries for the 'deserving poor' were being promoted by those who opposed universal relief.

Again, the great length of time which a large proportion of them have occupied their present habitations, indicates, in the main, a steadiness of character which is worthy of observation, if we take into account the large proportion of forced migration which attaches to a number of the trades; if only from one part of the town to another.

The pattern of 'forced migration' in search of work was certainly prevalent; equally, many families moved from house to house within just a few streets, as family and other circumstances changed.

The tables of the attendance of the children in schools, and the payment made by their parents for that attendance, are very interesting; indicating, as they do, an universal use of schools for some period of life, and obviously also for successive years. Of the quality of the schooling we have other and less flattering means of judging, by analogy.

 Thus, upon the total population of 7,711, the attendance in day-schools is nearly 1 in 9; in infant and dame schools about 1 in 18; and in both combined 1 in 6, or approaching one-half of the number not exceeding 16 years of age. The number of young persons attending Sunday Schools is seen to be 571, or 1 in 13½ of the whole population, and 1 in 6 of the population not exceeding 16 years of age. Thus, the school attendance is respectable, even as shown by that in day-schools only, and when the "out-of-the-way schools" for the "little ones" are included, it is seen to wear an aspect which is unrivalled even by the most glowing statistics of voluntary education, in which they universally form so great a portion; probably, as here, about one third. The Sunday School attendance is, without doubt, proportionably less here than in the manufacturing districts, because the absence of an extensive demand for juvenile labour relieves the pressure for secular instruction on the Sunday, which causes no small part of the excess in those districts.

This is a reminder of the origin of Sunday Schools, to offer basic education as well as religious instruction. See here for more detail about the schools in the parish at this period.

The table of school payments affords a very interesting view of the payments which the several classes of families are willing to make for the schooling of their children, while of all the families returned the children of only 13 were receiving absolutely gratuitous education.

The total sum spent upon day schooling is thus 291s. = 14l. 11s. per week, or 1,056l. 12s. per annum, at a general average of 5¾d. per week, contributed by each family which pays for schooling at all, an amount which if distributed over all the families, would be under 2d. per week each.

The rest of the report is a detailed statistical analysis linking parental age (and occupation) with family size, to demonstrate a fairly obvious point (which is why these complex tables are not included here): namely, that the earlier a family is started, the larger it is likely to be. It then considers the impact of this on infant and adult mortality, and on health generally. It reaches the surprising conclusion that infant mortality rates in the area surveyed are lower than in some more affluent areas, and that children appear to be healthier than might be expected given their environment; less surprisingly, adult mortality was high.

The following table will show the ages of the parents at the birth of their first child; and if it be assumed, that the birth of the first child, on the average, happened about one year after marriage, it will be seen that in both sexes the greatest number of marriages took place, between the ages of 21 and 25. However, it will be found that the marriages in the male sex have taken place generally at a much later period in life than among the female sex, for while out of 1,488 marriages 170 only of the males were under 20 years of age, as many as 461 females were under the same age. On the other hand, while 236 only of the females were between the ages of 26-30, there were as many as 391 males at those ages. Again, while there were only 68 females married above the ages of 30, it will be found that as many as 223 males were married above that age.

Tables A, B, C, D, and E [not included here] exhibit facts of considerable interest and importance, They are arranged to show the influence of the age at marriage on the number of children born, and the mortality of those children. Table A represents the results of those marriages, in which the birth of the first child took place when the mother was between the ages 16-20. The first column represents the number of years which have elapsed since the birth of the first child. The Second—The number of families over which the observations extend; the Third —The number of children born; the Fourth—The number of children then alive; the Fifth—The number dead; the Sixth—The rate of mortality per cent., and the Seventh—The average number of children born to each family within the given periods of years set forth in the first column, as having elapsed since the birth of the first child. Tables B, C, and D represent the same class of facts for families in which the birth of the first child took place between the quinquennial ages 21-25, 26-30, and 31-35; and Table E includes the results for all the marriages formed at whatever period of life they may have taken place.

Tables a, b, c, d, and e [not included here] are abridgments of the preceding tables. The first point deserving of attention in those figures is the circumstance that those marriages formed at an earlier period of life are more prolific than those formed at a later period. The gross results for each group of facts is as follows: —

To the results presented in this form, however, it may be objected, that the number of years elapsed between the birth of the first child over the time to which the facts are collected, is, on the average, greater in the case of the earlier marriages than in the later, and hence the greater number of children. This objection, true in principle, will be found, under a closer analysis of the figures, to materially alter the relative bearing of the results. The following abstract will show the average number of children to each marriage, at the respective periods of 10, 20, 30, and 40 years after the birth of the first child, for each class of marriages formed at the four different quinquennial periods of life.

It is thus obvious, that marriages formed under the age of 25, are more prolific than those formed after that age, and that those formed between 16 and 20 years of age are still more so than those at any of the superior ages.

In connexion with these results, it is important to view the rate of mortality of the children born in marriages contracted at the same period of life.

These figures are of course subject to the objection just alluded to, but the following abstract will show the results in a corrected form.

From this abstract it is obvious, that of the three first periods, the children born of marriages formed in the quinquennial term of life, 21-25, are subject to a less rate of mortality than those of the period immediately preceding or immediately followingm the rate of mortality in the most advanced period 31-35, is very irregular, and no doubt arises from the small number of families included in that group. The two preceding series of facts furnish materials for the solution of a very interesting and highly important question, namely, what is the effect of the marriages formed at those different terms of life on the ultimate increase of population? By the first of the two preceding abstracts it was found, that the earlier the period of life at which marriage was contracted, the greater the number of children born; but by the second abstract a difference is observable in the rate of mortality of the various periods, and this must disturb the results in the first class of facts.

Let a represent the results given in the first abstract; b represent those given in the second; then a - [a × b over 100] = the actual increase resulting from each marriage to the population. The following is an abstract of the results thus arrived at:

It hence follows, that marriages formed under 25 years of age increase the population more than those formed above that age; and on a close examination it will be found, that there is very little difference in this respect between marriages contracted at ages 16-20 and 21-25, the rate of increase, however, being somewhat higher in the former period. With regard to the last two quinquennial terms at which marriage is formed, it will be seen that the rate of increase is not so great for ages 26-30 as in that immediately preceding, and in the period 31-35 the rate of increase is still less; in fact, the earlier the period of marriage the greater the increase resulting to the population, the difference between the first and second periods being very little, between the second and third very considerable, about 23 per cent., and between the third and fourth about 20 per cent.

In the consideration of these facts and observations, although they relate to 1,506 families, from which have resulted 8,034 births, and of which 4,616 children, or 57∙46 per cent., are still alive, it must be borne in mind that they include only one class of the community, and may be subject to disturbing influences, such as to destroy their character as a type of the general population; however, there is reason to suppose that these results may be a more faithful representative of the condition of the whole population, than if they were derived from a like number of facts from either the middling or higher classes of Society. On reflection it will also be found, that the unfruitful marriages are not included in any of those 1,506 families, all included being more or less productive. Likewise, the marriages are all those in which one or both the parents are still alive, and consequently the results of fruitful marriages, in which the parents have died before the lapse of the given period of years brought under review, are excluded. An influence, independent of the relative number of marriages at each age, will further affect the results arising from the varying rates of mortality at the different terms of life, even when equal numbers only at those periods are considered; and it will follow, that fewer marriages of limited fruitfulness will be excluded from the groups at the younger ages, the effect of which must be to show in the preceding figures a reduced ratio of children at each marriage formed at those periods of life, compared with that which would appear were all cases included. The relative bearing of all the results are therefore so far modified. Also, the children still alive, composing 57∙46 per cent. of all born, may, subsequent to the period now under observation, and when classified according to the ages at marriage of their parents, show a very different rate of mortality from that indicated in the respective classes by those who have hitherto died, and still more extended observations would be required to show, whether any and what difference exist, in the fruitfulness of the marriages in the succeeding generation. Lastly, all these remarks have had reference to the age of the mother only at birth of her first child.

The next point to which attention is directed, is the rate of mortality experienced by the children of those families. This will be seen by an inspection of Tables A, B, C, D, and E, as well as the abridgments of those tables, but as these, from their peculiar construction, as well as from the small number of families in some of the years, cause various irregularities in the results, the following graduated abstract will exhibit the rate of mortality for all the groups included in the preceding tables. The mortality in the first year of life appears to be remarkably low, being only 11∙86 per cent., while, according to the Fourth Report of the Registrar-General, the mortality during the first year of life was for—

England and Wales 17∙355 %
For the County of Surrey 13∙278 %
For the Metropolis 20∙124 %
For Liverpool 28∙157 %

It will further be seen from the following abstract, column 6, that of 100 children born, 62∙76 live to complete their tenth year:

but according to the same report of the Registrar-General, the number out of 100 born who live to complete their tenth year is,—

     For England and Wales 70∙61 %
     For the County of Surrey 75∙42 %
     For the Metropolis 64∙92 %  
     For Liverpool 48∙21 %

while according to the following well-known life-tables, the number out of 100 born who live to complete their tenth year is by the—

     Carlisle Table (Milne) 64∙60 %
     Sweden (Nicander) 63∙03 %
     Select Lives in France (Deparcleux) 60∙04 %
Towns in France (Duvillard) 55∙11 %
     Northampton (Price) 48∙71 %
     Montpellier (Monyue) 43∙58 %

Again, the numbers living to complete their 20th and their 30th years, according to each of the above authorities, is as follows:—

Beyond the age of 30, the facts in this paper are not sufficiently numerous to warrant a comparison being instituted between them and other life tables, but from the illustrations already brought forward, it will be seen that the rate of mortality in the first year of life, is less than in any other of those cases. Again, with respect to the decrement of life between birth and the tenth year, it is greater than that for England and Wales, the county of Surrey, the Metropolis, the Carlisle Table, and that for the kingdom of Swedenm but less than the decrement for the select lives in Francem the towns in France, Northamptonm Liverpool and Montpellier.

With respect to the decrements of life up to the ages of 20 and 30, they will be found to hold the same relative situation as that for age 10, being intermediate between Sweden and the select lives of France.

Those remarks being applicable to all the changes and fluctuations, taking place from birth up to the various ages at which the comparisons are instituted, any irregularity in the mortality of one period, the first year of life for example, will disturb the results for all the subsequent ages. In order, therefore, to avoid the effects of the force of this element, it may be important to test the relative value of the different classes of facts, by a comparison of the equation of life for the different mortality tables. The following gives the result thus arrived at, for one-fourth of the integral or original number.

In viewing the decrements of life from birth only, it was found that the results of this paper were intermediate in the scale between the table for Sweden and that for the select lives in France, that comparison was of course affected by the rate of mortality in infant life; but in the above tables, where the results of advanced life only enter into the figures, it is seen that the mortality is higher than that of all the tables, except those for the towns of France and for Northampton.

It is hence obvious, that so far as the facts here brought forward can be relied on, the mortality of infant life is very low, and that of advanced life high.

Lest the results of this inquiry, however, should be deemed by some to fairly indicate the influence of locality on the duration of life, of the inhabitants of this district of Whitechapel, with equal truth for the early and advanced terms of life, it may be well to draw attention to the following abstract, showing the length of time which the principal members of families have resided in their dwellings.  [Table XV above has already presented these figures in slightly different form]

It will thus be seen, that nearly two thirds of the families have been less than three years in their present residence, and more than one-fourth between one and three years only. The term "in their present residence" will admit of the explanation that they may have been much longer in the same neighbourhood. Still many amongst those who have changed their dwellings must also have been recent inhabitants of the locality, and it must therefore follow that the younger lives indicate more strictly the sanatory [sic] condition of the place than those of more advanced age. The high rate of mortality of the older lives now under review can, consequently, not be attributable to residence in Whitechapel, as the majority of the deaths in advanced life may have taken place elsewhere—one-thirteenth only of the families having occupied their present residences upwards of twelve years; but with respect to the deaths at the younger ages, the greater number of those must have happened in the locality, and hence the comparative healthiness of the district.

In regard to the state of health of the families surveyed in the district now under consideration, it may be interesting to subjoin the following abstract returned "well" and "ill".

It is thus seen that of the 7,711 persons here enumerated, 247, or 3∙923 per cent., are returned as being "ill". These numbers include the children and those under 15 years of age. There is no authentic record of the proportion constantly sick in this country at all ages, including the young, but the records of Friendly Societies will admit of a comparison for every term of life from the age of 10 upwards; and this comparison will, to some extent, be strictly applicable, from the fact that of the 1,954 families now referred, to 677, or 34∙135, were connected with Friendly Societies. The following will show the proportion recorded ill in those families at various terms of life, as well as the ratio constantly sick for the average of England and Wales, among the members of Friendly Societies.

So far as the preceding facts are available as a test of health, it is obvious that the district now under consideration, must be regarded in a very favourable light.

Further Tables, not reproduced here:
XVII - Ages of each Parent when first Child born, Present Age of Parents, Number of Children they have had, &c. [by occupation]
XVIII - Total of Present Age of Married Women having no Children, classified according to Trades
XIX - Number of Children Born and Living in Families, classified by the Mother's Age at the Birth of the First Child - A 16-20, B 21-25, C 26-30, D 31-35, E Total Ages 14-43
XX - Average Average of Present Age of Mothers, of Respective Trades Classified, with Averages of Children Born, now Living, and Dead, to each; also Average Age of Mother when First Child Bom, with difference between that and Present Age
XXI & XXII - [the same continued]
XXIII - Totals of Present Age of Mothers, of Respective Trades Classified, with Children Bom, now Living, and Dead; and Total Ages of Married Women having no Children inserted under Respective Classified Ages and Trades
XXIV & XXV - [the same continued]
XXVI - Table of present Age of Mothers of respective Trades, classified with Children Born, now Living and Dead
XXVII - [the same continued]

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